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Dominique de Villepin
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| Born | November 14, 1953 Rabat, Morocco |
Dominique Marie François René Galouzeau de Villepin (born November 14, 1953, in Rabat, Morocco), simply known as Dominique de Villepin listen ▶(?), is a French diplomat and politician. He is the current Prime Minister of France, having served in that capacity since May 31, 2005.
A career diplomat, Villepin rose through the ranks of the French right as one of Jacques Chirac's protégés. He came under the international spotlight with his lyrical style in opposing the 2003 invasion of Iraq as Foreign Minister, and recently with his appointment as Prime Minister. Villepin has never run for elected office.
He is married to Marie-Laure Le Guay, and has three teenage children, Marie, Arthur and Victoire de Villepin. He has written poetry, a book about poetry, and several historical and political essays.
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Life
Villepin was born in Morocco and raised in Latin America. His lyrical texts and passion for France won him awards in 2001 for his book about the last 100 days of Napoleon's rule, entitled "Les Cent-jours, ou L'esprit de sacrifice" (see Bibliography, below).
Origins
Although it is largely believed that the French particle "de" is a sign of nobility, a large part of the people with such particle are in fact not nobility, mostly because of the habit of some families to add the particle to their name. The Galouzeau de Villepin family is among these, since the Galouzeau, a family of commoners originally from the Yonne département, added "de Villepin" to their name in the early 18th century by the marriage of a Galouzeau ancestor with a woman from a seemingly aristocratic de Villepin family of Lorraine. For the social practice behind this, see: Redorer son blason.
However, Villepin can be said to belong to the "Republican aristocracy" of families whose members graduate from the grandes écoles and go on to become high-ranking civil servants. Accordingly, Villepin's great-grandfather was a colonel in the French army, his grandfather was a board member for several companies and his father, Xavier de Villepin, now retired, was himself a diplomat and a member of the French Senate.
Career
Diplomat
Villepin studied at the Institut d'Etudes Politiques de Paris Paris Institute for Political Studies and went on to the École nationale d'administration, France's highly selective post-graduate school which trains its top civil servants. Villepin also holds degrees in law and literature from the universities of Paris II Panthéon-Assas and Paris X Nanterre. At the end of his studies, Villepin embraced a career in diplomacy. His assignments were:
- Advising Committee on African affairs (1980a href="1984.html" title="1984">1984)
- The French embassy in Washington, D.C. (1984a href="1989.html" title="1989">1989)
- The embassy in New Delhi (1989a href="1992.html" title="1992">1992)
- Foreign Ministry's top adviser on Africa (1992a href="1993.html" title="1993">1993)
Politician
Villepin was introduced to Jacques Chirac in the early 1980s and became one of his advisers on foreign policy. In 1993 he became chief of staff (directeur de cabinet) of Alain Juppé, then Foreign Minister in Édouard Balladur's cabinet, and Chirac's political heir apparent.
Villepin then became director of Chirac's successful 1995 presidential campaign and was rewarded with the key job of Secretary-General of the Élysée Palace during his first term as President of the Republic (1995a href="2002.html" title="2002">2002). He advised the president to hold an early general election in 1997, while the French National Assembly was overwhelmingly dominated by the president's party. This was a risky gamble, and Chirac's party went on to lose the elections. Villepin offered Chirac his resignation afterwards, but was turned down. This increased the perception among many politicians on the right that Villepin was aloof and had no experience or understanding of grassroots politics, and owed his enviable position only to being Chirac's protégé.
Villepin has an uneasy relationship with the members of his own political side. He has in the past made a number of demeaning remarks on members of parliament from his own party. In addition, his mutual distaste for Nicolas Sarkozy, head of the UMP Union for a Popular Movement majority party, is well known.
Foreign Minister
He was appointed Foreign Minister by Chirac in the cabinet of Prime Minister Jean-Pierre Raffarin at the beginning of his second term in 2002.
A believer in the grandeur of France, Villepin is cred with nudging the French government's approach to the 2002 crisis in Côte d'Ivoire toward intransigence. As a result of this, French troops in Côte d'Ivoire were attacked by rebel mercenaries and retaliated, destroying their air force capabilities, but a fragile peace was eventually restored to the country under a cabinet uniting Laurent Gbagbo's ruling party and the rebels.
During the crisis in Haïti, Villepin once again showed himself to be a resolute decisionmaker, obtaining the backing of U.S. Secretary of State Colin Powell in his bid to solve the crisis by ousting Jean-Bertrand Aristide from power.
However, Villepin's most famous assignment as Chirac's Foreign Minister was opposing the U.S. plan to invade Iraq, making France look like the leader in a coalition of countries such as Germany, Russia and China that opposed the invasion. The speech he gave to the United Nations to block a second resolution allowing the use of force against Saddam Hussein's regime is regarded by some as an historic moment, receiving the rare distinction of loud applause.
Interior Minister
During the cabinet reshuffle that made Nicolas Sarkozy Finance Minister, Villepin was appointed to replace him as Interior Minister on March 31, 2004.
It was at this point that the rumours of Villepin being a favourite to replace the unpopular Jean-Pierre Raffarin as Prime Minister became insistent, as his combined experience of foreign affairs and home policy made him a most qualified candidate. It was also this assignment which highlighted the differences in views between Villepin and Sarkozy.
The main struggle at home for the interior ministers under Prime Minister Raffarin was the question of integrating France's five million Muslims, notably with regard to the fight against terrorism, and to the French doctrine of laïcité (secularism), which holds that religion should only be a part of one's private life and not have any influence on politics or public life.
As Interior Minister, Sarkozy advocated a loosening laïcité, proclaiming his Catholic faith in a book concerning the issue. Villepin is a staunch defender of laïcité and advocated a tougher approach than Sarkozy against radical Islam which, in Villepin's view, breeds terrorism.
His actions against radical Islam included mandatory courses for Muslim clerics, notably in the French language (a third of them do not speak it), in moderate Muslim theology and in French secularism: laïcité, Republican principles and the law. While Sarkozy created the French Council of the Muslim Faith, an official body which is now dominated by radicals, Villepin would have preferred a "Muslim foundation," in which mosque-based representatives would be balanced by secular and moderate Muslims. This foundation would also aim to bring openness to the financing of mosques, much of which comes from abroad, notably from countries and organizations which are known to finance terrorist activities.
He also cracked down on radical Muslim clerics, causing an uproar when he tried to expel Abdelkader Bouziane, an imam who taught that adulterous women could be whipped or stoned. When the decision to expel him was overturned by the courts, Villepin pushed a change of the law through Parliament and Bouziane was sent home.
Prime Minister
With Alain Juppé barred from holding political office following a conviction for illegal party financing through a fake jobs plan, President Chirac is said to have turned his eye on Villepin as a possible successor, should he himself decide not to enter the 2007 presidential contest. However, Nicolas Sarkozy would probably be in a better position to secure the endorsement of the centre-right UMP party; a bitter rivalry is thus said to exist between Sarkozy and Villepin.
On May 29, 2005, French voters in the referendum on the Treaty establishing a Constitution for Europe turned down the proposed document by a wide margin. This was generally regarded as a rebuke to Chirac and his government. Two days later, Raffarin resigned and Chirac appointed Villepin as Prime Minister of France.
President (?)
Talk increasingly is turning, in France, to Villepin's probable candidacy in the next Presidential election, in 2007, when President Chirac is expected to retire. Chirac's absence for ill health at the recent UN summit provided a "place in the sun", for Villepin as his substitute there, raising protest cries of "dynasty" from their opponents: for instance, or Jean-Marie Colombani of Le Monde, on September 13, 2005, wrote
- w/. a dynastic succession, coordinated to reveal the selection of a 'dauphin' for France. The most spectacular moment being the meeting at the UN between Dominique de Villepin and George Bush, a formidable signal that President Chirac has chosen his own successor.
However, as of 2005, the lead candidate for the UMP party is the head of UMP, the ambitious Nicolas Sarkozy. Sarkozy and Villepin are increasingly seen as direct competitors, even though they put on a diplomatic face of harmony.
Villepin's first cabinet
In an address to the nation, Chirac has declared that the new cabinet's top priority would be to curb the unemployment level, which consistently hovers above 10%, calling for a "national mobilization" to that effect.
Villepin's cabinet is marked by its small membership (for France), and its hierarchical unity: all members have the rank of minister, and there are no secretaries of State, the lowest cabinet member rank. The aim of this decision is for the cabinet to form a close-knit and more efficient team to combat unemployment.
One of the main promises of Jean-Pierre Raffarin as he became Prime Minister was to spur growth and that "the end of President Chirac's term would be marked by a drop of the unemployment." The French economy is growing sluggishly and a significant drop in unemployment is yet to be seen. Villepin's aim is therefore to restore the French people's trust in their government, an achievement for which he has publicly set himself a deadline of a hundred days from the appointment of cabinet, a statement which can be viewed as ironic from a man whose first published book is titled The Hundred Days or the Spirit of Sacrifice.
Another issue is the European Constitution which appears condemned after its rejection by France and the Netherlands in referenda, and the shelving of the planned referendum in the United Kingdom.
Some have speculated that Villepin, with his diplomatic experience and the prestige associated with the job of Prime Minister, would negotiate a new treaty with the European Union, while Sarkozy would run the country at home. However, what happened is that Villepin, formerly considered elitist and out-of-touch with the people, obtained favorable reviews from the press and increased popularity in polls. In particular, he is increasingly cited as a possible presidential contender for 2007, while Nicolas Sarkozy has publicly stated that he himself gave considerable attention to that election. While there are obvious tensions between partisans of both men, Villepin and Sarkozy have so far avoided any open division.
Villepin has declared that lowering unemployment was the number one objective of his government (which, was also the case of other prime ministers before him, to no avail). He, as well as the UMP party, believe that France's workforce rules are too rigid and discourage employment, and that some liberalizing reforms are necessary in order to "correct" the French social model.
On August 2, 2005, he issued ordinances establishing a new kind of work contract for young people, with fewer guarantees than ordinary contracts. Ordinances are legislative decisions that the executive takes in areas normally devoted to Parliament, after obtaining Parliament's authorization; they are normally reserved for urgent action, or for uncontroversial technical legislation. While Villepin's measures would surely have been approved by his wide UMP majority in Parliament, the use of ordinances was criticized by the opposition. Villepin justified the use of this procedure by the need to act fast, especially when Parliament was going on its summer recess.
Another major issue in Villepin's government is the state of the national budget. France runs high deficits, which run afoul of the rules set in the EU Maastricht Treaty. Villepin's margin of maneuver in that respect is extremely slim.
Membership
- Dominique de Villepin - Prime Minister
Ministers
- Nicolas Sarkozy - Minister of State, Minister of the Interior
- Michèle Alliot-Marie - Minister of Defence
- Philippe Douste-Blazy - Minister of Foreign Affairs
- Jean-Louis Borloo - Minister of Employment, Social Cohesion and Housing
- Thierry Breton - Minister of the Economy, Finance and Industry
- Gilles de Robien - Minister of National Education
- Pascal Clément - Keeper of the Seals, Minister of Justice
- Dominique Perben - Minister of Transportation, Equipment, Tourism and the Sea
- Xavier Bertrand - Minister of Health and Solidarity
- Dominique Bussereau - Minister of Agriculture and Fishing
- Christian Jacob - Minister of Civil Service
- Renaud Donnedieu de Vabres - Minister of Culture and Communication
- Nelly Olin - Minister of Ecology and Sustainable Development
- François Baroin - Minister for Overseas France
- Renaud Dutreil - Minister of Small Businesses, Commerce, Craftsmanship and Self-Employed Professionals
- Jean-François Lamour - Minister of Youth, Sports, and Associative Life
Delegate ministers
- Henri Cuq, delegate minister for relationships with Parliament;
- Azouz Begag, delegate minister for equal opportunities;
- Jean-François Copé, delegate minister for budget and the reform of the State, spokesman for the Government;
- Gérard Larcher, delegate minister for employment, work, and the professional insertion of the young;
- Catherine Vautrin, delegate minister for social cohesion and parity of the sexes;
- Brigitte Girardin, delegate minister for international cooperation, development and francophonie;
- Brice Hortefeux, delegate minister for local governments;
- Catherine Colonna, delegate minister for European affairs;
- François Goulard, delegate minister for higher education and research;
- Léon Bertrand, delegate minister for tourism;
- Philippe Bas, delegate minister for Social Security, the elderly, the handicapped, and the family;
- François Loos, delegate minister for industry;
- Christine Lagarde, delegate minister for foreign commerce;
- Hamlaoui Mékachéra, delegate minister for war veterans;
- Christian Estrosi, delegate minister for the management of the territory.
Bibliography
- 2001 : Les Cent-Jours ou l'esprit de sacrifice (Perrin, 2001 - Le Grand livre du mois, 2001 - Perrin, 2002 - Éditions France loisirs, 2003); soulful writing on a topic which Villepin says has fascinated him since childhood, the "One Hundred Days" between the return of Napoleon from Elba and the defeat at the Battle of Waterloo, interesting for its contrast with English & American & Hollywood & even many other French views of its controversial subject, awarded the Grand Prix d'Histoire of the Fondation Napoléon (2001) and the Prix des Ambassadeurs (2001);
- 2002 : Le cri de la gargouille (Albin Michel, 2002 - Librairie générale française, 2003), a "mation" upon French politics, in the classical style, written with cascading imagery, a pensive and deliberate analysis of the good & the bad & the really ugly & the truly magnificent, in the French political character -- enjoyable reading;
- 2003 : Éloge des voleurs de feu (NRF-Gallimard, 2003), "on poetry", by the prime ministerw/. Poetry!? Not too many prime ministers, anywhere or anytime, or any who have aspired to become prime ministers, have thought about much less written about poetry. (We now know that Lincoln did: someone might tell Villepin that. And he must know that the late French president Georges Pompidou had ed an anthology of french poetry) Elegiac tone -- it's an elegyw/. -- but relaxing and, again, very interesting reading;
- 2003 : Un autre monde (l'Herne, 2003), preface by Stanley Hoffmann, tr. américain Toward a new world: speeches, essays, and interviews on the war in Iraq, the UN, and the changing face of Europe (Hoboken, N.J. : Melville House, c2004), a selection of speeches by Villepin as Foreign Minister, with commentary by Hoffman, Susan Sontag, Carlos Fuentes, Norman Mailer, Régis Debray, Mario Vargas Llosa, others ;
- 2003 : Preface to Aventuriers du monde 1866-1914 : Les grands explorateurs français au temps des premiers photographes (L'Iconoclaste, 2003), collective work ;
- 2004 : Preface to l'Entente cordiale de Fachoda à la Grande Guerre : Dans les archives du Quai d'Orsay, Maurice Vaïsse (Éditions Complexe, 2004) ;
- 2004 : Preface, with Jack Straw, to l'Entente cordiale dans le siècle (Odile Jacob, 2004) ;
- 2004 : Preface to 1905, la séparation des Églises et de l'État : les textes fondateurs (Perrin, 2004) ;
- 2004 : Preface to Mehdi Qotbi : le voyage de l'écriture (Paris : Somogy, 2004 - Paris : Somogy, 2005), "published on the occasion of an exhibition organized by the Institut Français du Nord and Attijariwafa Bank, presented at the Galerie Delacroix of the Institut français du Nord at Tangiers from June 25 to September 5 2004 and at the Espace d'Art Actua of the Attijariwafa Bank, Casablanca, Oct-Dec 2004" -- Villepin has a lifelong and interesting personal connection with the Maghreb and the Third World -- "born in Rabat, raised in Latin America", as the bios put it;
- 2004 : Le requin et la mouette (Plon : A. Michel, 2004), essay ;
- 2005 : Histoire de la diplomatie française with Jean-Claude Allain, Françoise Autrand, Lucien Bély (Perrin, 2005) ;
- 2005 : L'Homme européen, with Jorge Semprun (Plon, 2005 - Perrin, octobre 2005), a pamphlet in favour of the Treaty establishing a constitution for Europe;
- 2005 : Urgences de la poésie (Casablanca : Eds. de la Maison de la Poésie du Maroc, July 2005) tr. into Arabic by Mohamed Bennis, illustr. by Mehdi Qotbi; includes three poems by Villepin himself, "Elegies barbares", "Le droit d’aînesse", and "Sécession".
Quotes
- L'option de la guerre peut apparaître a priori la plus rapide. Mais n'oublions pas qu'après avoir gagné la guerre, il faut construire la paix. ("The option of war can appear initially to be the most rapid. But let us not forget that after winning the war, peace must be built." At the United Nations Security Council on February 14, 2003, shortly before the US-led invasion of Iraq 1)
- "We need a strong policy to combat radical Islam. It is used as a breeding-ground for terrorism. We cannot afford not to watch them very closely." As Interior Minister, December 2004.
- "With the collapse of Saddam Hussein’s regime, a dark era is drawing to a close. And we welcome it." In Sainte-Maxime, 10.04.2003
See also
- List of Foreign Ministers of France
- List of Interior Ministers of France
- List of Prime Ministers of France
- Politics of France
External links
- Official biography
- Décret du 2 juin 2005 relatif à la composition du Gouvernement
- A comment on his Financial Times orial
- De Villepin, a Destiny?: some reports with view of the presidential french election planned for 2007
| Preceded by: Hubert Védrine |
Minister of Foreign Affairs 2002-2004 |
Succeeded by: Michel Barnier |
| Preceded by: Nicolas Sarkozy |
Minister of the Interior 2004-2005 |
Succeeded by: Nicolas Sarkozy |
| Preceded by: Jean-Pierre Raffarin |
Prime Minister of France 2005-present |
Succeeded by: Incumbent |